Eight percent of the German population have a far-right extremist view, rising considerably from just under 2-3% in previous years, according to a study by the Friedrich Ebert Foundation (FES).
Introduction With a population of 83 Million, Germany is the biggest country in the “European Union”. For decades the far right in Germany wasn´t able to catapult their political parties into the ´Bundestag´, the German parliament. Nonetheless, far-right parties, namely the NPD and Republikaner, noted some successes on a local level and were voted into …
News & Analysis
Investigations have continued into this year, with a second raid against further Reichsbürger on 22 March ending in an exchange of fire between a suspect and the police. How big is this network of far-right conspiracists, and how serious is the threat they pose to liberal democracy in Germany? Die Linke MP and spokesperson for antifascist policy Martina Renner spoke with the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation’s Anika Taschke about these questions and the fight against far-right extremism in Germany today.
Ten years after its founding, the Alternative für Deutschland shows no sign of moderating its politics By Gerd Wiegel The rise of Germany’s leading right-populist party, the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) or “Alternative for Germany”, is unprecedented in the German political system. The AfD won 10.3 percent in the autumn 2021 elections, securing it seats …
In the early morning hours of the 7th of December 2022, 3.000 police officers conducted 130 house searches and arrested 25 individuals. All of this took place in 11 Federal States including Baden-Württemberg, Berlin, Brandenburg, Hesse, North Rhine-Westphalia, Rhineland-Palatinate, Saarland, Thuringia, Lower Saxony, as well as Kitzbühl (Austria) and Perugia (Italy). Out of the 25 …
This article takes a look at the protests against the Corona restrictions and vaccine mandates in Germany during the Covid-19 pandemic and explains the affective dynamics behind them. After identifying far-right actors as central agitators and promoters of Covid-related conspiracy narratives and introducing the concept of affect for a general audience, it points out how self-victimization is the central affective dynamic behind the anti-covid movement in Germany.
After the attack of Hanau, which marks its second anniversary, public discourse about racist violence in Germany changed. One on hand it was preceded by little to no prevention attempts, and followed by usual failures of authorities: poor investigative work, cold and disrespectful treatment of the families of the victims, and the ritualized indignation of politicians without any serious consequences. Moreover, Hanau triggered an old trauma of non-white people living in Germany: the racist othering, the daily insults and threats, ultimately violence, and the experience that their lives are less worthy of protection or grief.
Since the 1970s, largely unnoticed by the general public, a network of Turkish ethnonationalists known as the Grey Wolves has established itself in Germany, targeting Armenians, Kurds, Jews and political opponents. Today, the group constitutes a major domestic security threat, but one that has been consistently underestimated and neglected.
The continued electoral success of the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) has heightened the probability for that its affiliated Desiderius Erasmus Foundation will use public funds to conduct political education promoting authoritarian national radicalism – both in Germany and abroad. In his article, Aleksandar Matković outlines the various contacts and relationships between the AfD and right-wing parties in South-Eastern Europe, especially in Serbia and Croatia. Should the Desiderius Erasmus Foundation” were to receive public funding in the near future, it would be engaged in political education that directly contradicts the original purpose of political foundations in Germany – namely, the promotion of fundamental democratic values to prevent a new fascism.